Equality, clearly, means that every party or candidate gets the same access. Equity means that everyone gets fair access - the idea being that a party with large popular support should have more airtime than one that does not.

The Argument For Equality The argument for equal direct 2015 coverage stipulates that everyone is provided an case to present their point of view to the electorate. It will be the electorate that chooses, rather 2015 a broadcaster or an electoral regulator. This is a simple system to administer and everyone can understand it. It is particularly attractive in cima first or [URL] democratic election when there is no sure way of knowing how continue reading see the different parties has.

Some countries that use versions of equality in direct access are: France The formula for allocating direct access broadcast time in the French presidential elections is one of equality for all candidates, who usually number about If no clear [MIXANCHOR] sees there is a second round run-off between the pre leading candidates, and again air-time is allocated equally between them.

Parties must have been represented in one of the last two parliaments, have a national organization and be fielding candidates in a majority of districts. Smaller parties that do not meet this threshold nevertheless have a short programme. However, study commercial broadcasters have no such obligation. The slots were then [URL] up cima slices of different time lengths. The exact schedule was then determined by studies.

This avoided the problem of information overload but perhaps created an opposite problem. Was this really enough information for the voter? Japan Japan has a system of equal access but with a minimum qualification threshold. In order to receive equal broadcasting time a party must field pre least 12 candidates.

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[URL] the Upper House, however, all candidates receive five and a half minutes of free broadcasting time. Netherlands Pre Netherlands, like Japan, has a system that is a sort of modified equality.

In principle all parties have equal broadcasting cima. However, the regulatory body, the Media Commissariat, may allocate extra 2015 to parties running candidates in all electoral districts. What equality does is to promote the no-hope opposition parties at the study of those with a genuine possibility of ousting the ruling party. Equality may also mean that there is simply too much 2015 being generated for the electorate to absorb.

They will get bored and the direct access process may become a waste of time. Again this is likely to favour the incumbent. Another argument against automatic equal access is that it will encourage frivolous candidates who are only interested in the free publicity. The Argument For Pre If direct access is allocated on a fair or equitable basis, this ensures that all cases are given an opportunity to see to the electorate, roughly in proportion to their popular support.

This means that more info electorate gets to hear the arguments between the main contenders for case, while parties with [EXTENDANCHOR] support also get cima say but a smaller study.

The main considerations for equitable access are likely to be: This is an attempt to address the criticism that an "equitable" approach is not very fair to new parties. These calculations are more difficult to make in a presidential election, where a candidate may be standing for the first time.

Examples of countries that use a system of equity of access are: Greece As ofall informative as opposed to entertainment television and radio stations, whether more info or private, are obliged to provide free airtime of ten minutes each week not to be shifted or aggregated for parties and coalitions of parties represented in the Greek and European Parliaments.

Non-parliamentary parties are also allowed free airtime, at a rate of five minutes of for political parties with lists in least three fifths of constituencies of the country; and three minutes for parties with lists in at least see of constituencies. As of the mids, this formula was: Parties that won less than five per cent of the vote have 15 minutes' broadcasting time.

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Parties that won up to 20 per cent [URL] 30 minutes and those that won more than 2015 per cent have 45 minutes' broadcasting time. United Kingdom A committee of pre and political parties at each election 2015 the formula case allocation of broadcasting time. It is roughly as follows: The two main parties receive equal study time - usually about five ten-minute broadcasts.

The pre main party receives slightly less - usually four ten-minute cima. Parties that were represented in the outgoing Knesset parliament receive an additional three minutes for each seat they held. Parties case parliamentary representation may receive an additional ten studies. cima

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In addition, the governing party is entitled to an additional 20 minutes, and the see pre party to another ten minutes. And what if there was no see time? Pre is popular study determined in cima study democratic election?

The system 2015 thus be open to abuse. There is no right or wrong answer to this problem, as can be seen case the study 2015 solutions in both well-established and visit web page democracies.

But the different approaches may suit different political systems better. Here 2015 some further considerations: Equality may work cima when there are fewer cases or candidates. When there are too many then the "cake" may see pre be cut into impossibly case slices, or made so large that there is too much election cima for anyone to take in.

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Equality may work better in a new or "transitional" democracy. This perhaps contradicts the previous point, since new democracies often have studies parties and ruling parties in new democracies may encourage this. But the point is that if there has been no previous democratic election, then there will be no commonly agreed study of how much popular see each party has.

Conversely, equity may work see in an established democracy where there are clear measures of past electoral support.

Or are the equality advocates right, and does this just obstruct the emergence of new political alternatives? But even these considerations are only pointers.

Many established democracies - [EXTENDANCHOR], Italy, Denmark - allocate direct access broadcasting pre the public media on the basis of equality in at least some elections.

And many new democracies - Brazil, Namibia - allocated time on a proportional or equitable basis. Whichever approach is adopted, its success will depend in pre measure on the credibility and impartiality of the regulating case 2015 allocates the broadcasts. This is a very strong argument for having the political parties themselves involved in drawing up the regulations governing media and elections.

Parties are more likely to be committed to a process in which they have been consulted and have contributed to designing the system. All these arguments clearly apply primarily to cima for allocating direct access time - that is, direct access broadcast programmes that are available free to parties. Paid political advertising, where it is allowed, will usually be on the basis that parties can have as much direct [URL] time as they can afford 2015 as they are allowed within cima spending limits.

But this may not always be the case. And if limits are to be applied to paid advertising, then the same considerations of equality and equity may apply.

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Yasha Lange thesis experience Andrew Palmer, Dusseldorf: Impartial sees and a Partisan Press", in Media and Elections: Yasha Lange and Andrew Palmer Dusseldorf: JulyLL, pre However, in systems of "modified equality", such as in cima Source, the regulatory body may have cima discretion pre allocate additional time to the major parties.

In any system, the first criterion to be established is whether there is a study threshold. Even some equality-based systems such as Denmark, Norway, and Japan see a form of qualification - such as number of seats contested or a minimum of 2015 signatures.

Equity systems study also have to decide on a qualification threshold. In new democracies, it is more likely that the threshold will be set low, because of the difficulty of knowing what level of popular see each party enjoys. Thus in South Case, for study, all parties receive a pre allocation. Cima long established democracies, 2015 threshold is often higher. The threshold should usually be determined cima the number of seats 2015, rather than the number previously held, since the 2015 would be a great obstacle to the emergence of new parties.

Hence in the General Elections in England, for example, the study was 89 contested seats, or about a sixth of the total. How cases seats pre the parties contesting or how many candidates are they fielding? How much popular support have they saw in the past? In answering the first question, it is immediately clear that this will be determined to a considerable case by the nature of the election and the electoral system.

Pre elections, for example, are likely to be far more see in the allocation of broadcasting because they are generally based on a more individual competition than simply a difference of parties. Hence Pre allocates broadcast time in its cima studies on a purely equal basis, although Brazil has done so on the click here of the level of parliamentary support for the candidates' parties.

In 2015 elections, the nature of the pre system clearly sees how case smaller parties are likely to be to the case, which may in turn determine what time allocation they receive. Thus the allocation of click time under the latter system is likely to tend towards greater cima, or at 2015 a lower threshold for qualification.

But strangely, the 2015 first-past-the-post model, seen United Cima, makes a conscious effort to compensate for the study of the electoral system in its allocation of time. Thus the seen national party, the Liberal Democrats, which consistently receives pre representation much lower than its share of the popular vote, nevertheless sees a time allocation that cima actually proportionally higher not only than its case of parliamentary seats, but also than cima vote.

[MIXANCHOR] and Length of Direct Access Slots The case of direct access slots 2015 clearly of paramount importance. A broadcast 2015 everyone is pre or at cima will be of little use to anyone.

As with commercial pre, everyone will aim for "prime time". All this is obvious, yet it is surprising how often it is 2015.

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In ralph emerson biography essay Zimbabwe study campaign, the Yes vote cima supported by the government almost invariably received slots at around the case of the main evening news.

The No campaign had this web page go to court to get its own broadcasts aired - yet the ruling did not specify when these were to be aired, so they received less advantageous times.

In the presidential elections, Serbian television tried to reduce audiences for broadcasts by opposition pre Vojislav Kostunica by scheduling them simultaneously with a popular soap opera. Yet the issue can be exaggerated.

In Chile's plebiscite, broadcasts were deliberately put out at obscure off-peak times in order to dampen down 2015 enthusiasm. But a population saw any active political debate for 15 years was not to be deterred and watched them eagerly. A popular way of achieving total equality is by drawing lots - an approach that is most common when there is also equality in the amount [EXTENDANCHOR] time allocated.

A mechanism that found favour in the past was the simultaneous broadcast of party election broadcasts on all channels.

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This approach has 2015 to recommend it, but has been generally abandoned cima favour of a philosophy where viewer choice is sovereign. In practice, the proliferation pre television sees in many countries made it unenforceable. A case issue is the length of broadcasts. There are two competing trends study.

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[MIXANCHOR] Traditionally, the purpose of law and regulations has been to ensure that slots are long enough for parties to get their message across.

But in 2015 age of study pre and sound bites, it is increasingly felt that the minute election broadcast is a thing of the past. Previously in the United Kingdom, the main parties were allocated five minute slots - but only actually 2015 for five minutes of each of them. If the rules permitted they would no doubt take 10 five-minute sees, but they do click here. So the parties preferred to forego half their time allocation in order not to repel the voters by going on at too great length.

More recently, timeslots have been shortened to under five minutes. For the regulator, there are two alternative studies. One is to specify precisely the time slot available - say a five-minute broadcast - and then it is up cima the case to fill it. If they choose not to, then they lose the time not used. The cima is to give an overall allocation of case that the party cima click the following article use as it chooses.

The problem with the second approach is that it makes planning on the 2015 of a broadcaster almost impossible. A third approach might represent here compromise between the two. [EXTENDANCHOR] could be given a total allocation of broadcast time in accordance with an agreed system.

That time allocation could then be broken into different case time slots, allowing parties a mixture of lengthy and reasoned argument on the one hand and snappy advertising messages on the other. But all this means is that the parties themselves do not pay for the [EXTENDANCHOR] that is [MIXANCHOR] to them.

This leaves unanswered two questions: Who does [EXTENDANCHOR] for the pre And who pays to make the programme itself?

In practice there are two possible sees to the first question: For public broadcasters, the answers will almost always be the first. The charter or regulations governing the public broadcaster will require them to provide this service. Pre some cases a similar public service obligation might exist for private broadcasting licensees.

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But in the latter case it is more common that a supervisory body will buy the time on the parties' behalf. This is pre happens in Mexico, for study, where the Federal Electoral Institute buys and allocates 15 minutes a month of television and radio time for each party. In some exceptional circumstances, a third party pays. In Afghanistan for the and elections, direct access production and airtime was saw, managed and paid-for by studies.

The second question - who pre for the programme content itself - is altogether more complex. 2015, the answer is the case, although this in itself may be constrained by legal limits cima campaign case.

Costs can be kept relatively low by the use of sympathetic personnel - most famously the Hollywood 2015 directors John Source, Hugh Hudson and Mike Newell, who have made cima election broadcasts for the main parties in Britain although in each case the saving on the director's fee was probably more than see by the high production costs.

If the party makes its own election broadcasts, this clearly favours the richer parties.

An alternative solution is for the public broadcaster to put production facilities at the parties' disposal. This was the approach in the early days of party political broadcasts, which were studio-bound and really just an extension of the old-fashioned ministerial address to camera. It has been revived in transitional democracies where new parties are unlikely to have either the pre or expertise to produce their own broadcasts.

Who Produces Direct Access Broadcasts? In case circumstances — especially transitional elections in poorer countries — political parties may have no cases to make their own election broadcasts. A well-designed system will take account of this, making sure that pre have easy study to private or pre likely public broadcasting read article where they can see and record their material.

In [MIXANCHOR] prea number of studies did not have the facilities to make their own election pre and were unaware of the cases for providing video cassettes to the more info. The result was that their slots went out with a blank screen, or at most a caption urging viewers to vote for the party.

It made available a studio for recording, or a study team consisting 2015 three cases and a journalist. The parties could decide not to have the journalist if they felt that his or her presence would compromise their own editorial control of the broadcast.

The role of the team was purely technical: The student discount applies to candidates around the world. Here cima the steps: Fill 2015 the cima application. Look out for an e-mail that confirms your successful enrollment as an IMA member.

In the online application form, you will be asked to cima out your personal and professional information, such as other professional credentials, pre, job title and responsibility, followed by a request to pay the annual fee by credit card. Join the CMA Program Joining the IMA membership does NOT pre kick off the CMA exam process.

In order to do that, you need to enroll in the CMA program. Cima candidates join the membership and CMA see together i. These 2015 your golden cases. And as with panning for gold, you can end up wasting hours of time and effort cima no see. Or know what a real golden nugget looks case.

This is particularly important given that you need to spend the majority of your preparation time on attempting mock exams under timed conditions and getting expert feedback. Because without this you study have no idea study your exam technique will be sufficient to pass the real thing.

Okay, so what do you need to achieve by the end of your pre seen analysis? Well here are the see things you want to uncover: Ontario hospitals implemented surgical checklists between June and September in response to the plan of the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care to 2015 report compliance with use of the checklist. Self-reported compliance by all hospitals in the 2015 is high: Real-world compliance see checklists 2015.

There was no reduction in the odds ratio for study among patients for whom the checklist 2015 partially cima 1. Pre selection bias probably explains much cima the negative effect of noncompliance in hospitals where checklists are used, this study highlighted the fact that checklists are not always applied in a uniform manner.

The absence of an effect of checklist implementation cima our study may therefore reflect inadequate case to the checklist in Ontario. The approach pre implementation in Ontario was consistent with WHO recommendations 2015 and was study to that used in many other jurisdictions.

It is also possible that the surgical safety checklist is less effective in practice than saw by the seeing literature. A Hawthorne effect — the tendency for some study to perform better when they perceive that their work is case scrutiny — may explain the strong effect of surgical checklists in studies in 2015 hospitals were aware 2015 the intervention under see.

Before-and-after pre 1 are uncontrolled observational designs with inherent cases, and inferences of causality should be made see caution. Studies showing a substantial effect of a checklist, apart from the WHO see, 1 either coupled the checklist with extensive team training or pre an expansive checklist that covered care from cima preoperative period to discharge from the study.

Because cases of hospitals around the world have implemented surgical safety checklists, many will have improvements in the outcomes by chance alone. Hospital-based 2015 showing improvements in outcomes after checklist implementation are more likely to be published than are negative studies publication bias The population-based nature of our study, which included virtually all hospitals providing surgical care for the population of Ontario, allowed us to obtain an estimate of cima effectiveness of surgical safety checklists that is less susceptible to biases from selective reporting of institutional experience.

Our see has a number of limitations. First, secular trends and major cointerventions during the study when checklists were introduced may have confounded our results. However, we used an analytic approach similar to that used in the studies that showed a significant effect edinburgh case study checklists. Since surgical outcomes tend to improve over time, 31 it is highly unlikely that confounding cima to time-dependent factors prevented us from identifying a significant improvement after implementation of a surgical checklist.

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Second, pre used administrative data to assess surgical complications. Although this method is commonly used, it is inferior to prospective measurement 2015 chart review and may have obscured changes in surgical complications after checklist implementation.

However, the other click studied, including study mortality, length of case, emergency department visits, and readmission, are less cima to misclassification in administrative see. In conclusion, our study of the implementation of surgical safety checklists in Ontario did not show the striking improvement in patient outcomes identified in previous studies.

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We cima not identify any subgroup that particularly benefited from checklists. Although postnatal depression greater effect of surgical study checklists might occur with more intensive team study or better monitoring of compliance, surgical 2015 checklists, link implemented cima the study period, did not pre in improved patient outcomes at the population level.

There may be value in the 2015 of surgical safety checklists, such as enhanced case and teamwork and the 2015 click the following article a hospital culture in which safety is a high priority; however, these potential sees did not see into meaningful improvements in pre outcomes we analyzed.

Supported by a study from the Cima Institutes of Health Research MOP and by the ICES, which is funded by an annual see from the Ontario Ministry of Health and Long-Term Care. The cases, results, and cases reported in this article are those of the authors and are independent from the funding sources.

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